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COM 0102.045 2000-2002
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COM 0102.045 2000-2002
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5/12/2008 5:04:49 PM
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Communications
Communications - Type
COM
Communications - Council Term
2000-2002
Communication
0102
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045
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Unknown
Communications - Referred To
FC
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Presented: FC - 08/13/02
Communications - File Code
POL
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COM 0102.000 2000-2002
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bas weaker pedigree, and a more negative history than it deserves, given its minimal potential <br /> for harm. fdloreover, successful periodic campaigns designed to eliminate this "evil" herb, serve <br /> to steer 4he user toward more dangerous substances. tarinspoon and Hedblom (195) note what <br /> might have influenced American society in the 1930s to greet the arrival of amphetamines as <br /> medical marvels while simultaneously condemning the "killer weed": <br /> While marijuana was being brought to the..public's attention as a menace capable of <br /> wreaking great havoc, amphetam.Ines were introduced and promoted as perhaps the <br /> earliest technology-derived drug to provide "better living through chemistry. " <br /> Amphetamines were products of modem technology; they came from the laboratories of <br /> great corporations, and, in the days before the growth of consumer skepticism, this lent <br /> Phem legitirryacy; unlike the dangerous foreign weed, Phey seemed to have reliable, sale, <br /> known properties. And, of course, they had the backing of medical authority (Grinspoon <br /> and 1°ledb/om, 1975:283). <br /> Findings presented in Chapter Seven on the social consequences of ice in Honolulu <br /> demonstrated that the latest version of the American campaign against marijuana continues to <br /> have the same unfortunate consequences. <br /> Amon Pacific Islander groups pre-existing drug use practices set the stage for the <br /> 9 <br /> introduction of ice into Hawaii. ~ariier studies have documented the role of alcohol in relation to <br /> indigenous intoxicating beverages ('awe), 4he eradication of 4hose traditional beverages, and the <br /> simultaneous promo$ion of western types of alcohol beverages, and institution of native specific <br /> alcohol control regulations (Keaulana and llVhitney, 1990). On the surface, native Hawaiians and <br /> other Asian Pacific Island residents in Hawai': accepted this substitution. However, there is a <br /> possibility that eradication of traditional alcoholic intoxicants was quietly replaced by 'pakodolo <br /> grown by "local" residents in family yards and fields. <br /> As government authorities began the campaign to eradicate marijuana in the i9f30s, a <br /> smokable drug known as "beta" from the traditional home of Island Filipir;os, bean td ~ €~~d <br /> in place of the increasingly rare and expensive pakololo. However, beta was not a tdition~! ~ <br /> intoxicant like 'awe or pakololo, it was a stimulant. As our interview data demonstrate in Chapter <br /> Seven, its popularization and widespread use had a number of unintended and harmful <br /> consequences for individuals as well as whole communities. Although the prevalence of ice use <br /> is not decreasing, there is a growing awareness among users that this is a dangerous substance, <br /> and a common realization that it is a poor substitute for pakalolo. <br /> C. HIV• High Pisk Sex and IV Meth Use <br /> As we discussed in Chapter Seven, the many of our respondents reported engaging in <br /> high risk sex activities due to their meth use. This was particularly true among gay and bi-sexual <br /> respondents, especially in San Francisco where meth as long been viewed as an adjunct to sex. <br /> <br /> j This tends more to be the case among gay respondents in a!! three sites. <br /> . Mforeover, in this study,' we found that many of these high risk behaviors are crossing <br /> boundaries into other social worlds. In San Francisco, for example, the club and• Dave scenes <br /> have become a nexus for a wide array of user types, ranging from straight suburban <br /> 163 <br /> ~ <br /> <br />
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