|
Ecology and Society 28(2): 32
<br />htt.psf.l� s /ar[32/
<br />expanding hunting areas simultaneously. One participant
<br />recommended, "Make more check -in stations ... we [hunters]
<br />usually have to park on the side of the road. Make one area where
<br />we can park inside ... Get plenty spots that I feel get [have] plenty
<br />pigs." Two participants brought up the idea of a lottery system
<br />similar to that on the island of Lanai for Axis deer hunts, stating,
<br />"It would be cool if they did open up another region on the island
<br />or section on the island to hunt ... Every hunter could have their
<br />number submitted and it's just a random pool. Whoever gets
<br />pulled up (in the lottery), those groups of hunters can go hunt in
<br />this section this week."Participants would like more official access
<br />to the mountain because they already hunt many areas, so it would
<br />help if those areas were legally approved by the state.
<br />Similar to respect and finding common ground, changing
<br />mindsets was also a recommendation among some participants
<br />(n = 4), more specifically changing the mindsets of hunters. As
<br />one participant stated, "The hunters have to get on board and the
<br />hunters have to recognize [that] if we're going to save hunting, if
<br />we're going to save fishing, we have to practice conservation and
<br />we have to support it." Another recommendation was for hunters
<br />to self -reflect, "[it is] a lot harder to ask yourself ... what part do
<br />I have to play [to improve management]? That's just the first step
<br />... The acceptance is often the first step of these processes." Less
<br />common recommendations from the interviews included
<br />volunteer programs, increased capacity within the hunting
<br />community, and better communal coordination on an
<br />interpersonal level (not allowing emotions to hinder ability to
<br />work with others). Participants recommended expanding access
<br />to hunting areas, along with education, enhanced respect and
<br />communication between managers and hunters, more agency
<br />engagement of hunters in decision making and hunters changing
<br />their mindsets to become participants in conservation.
<br />DISCUSSION
<br />With this study we aimed to understand the social -cultural values
<br />and practices of pig hunters and how those values and practices
<br />can aid in improving co -management of feral pigs for hunting
<br />and conservation. The majority of hunters interviewed for this
<br />study identified as being Native Hawaiian. Participants primarily
<br />hunted feral pigs as a food source, but also mentioned a range of
<br />additional motivations for hunting that included peace of mind,
<br />perpetuating family traditions and culture, maintaining physical
<br />health and exercise. They also described responsibilities inherent
<br />to hunting, as well as recommendations for improving pig
<br />management. We will draw upon all of these results to describe
<br />three emerging themes that may improve co -management of feral
<br />pigs and other culturally important invasive species in Hawaii
<br />and beyond: (1) expanding mechanisms of access to hunt or
<br />gather invasive resources such as feral pigs, (2) integrating rights
<br />and responsibilities to meet management objectives, and (3)
<br />improving means of communication to enhance collaborative
<br />arrangements.
<br />Expanding mechanisms of access to increase hunting
<br />opportunities for invasive species
<br />Lack of access to hunting areas emerged as a key concern for
<br />hunters in this study. Interview participants talked most directly
<br />about physical access, discussing the number of entry points into
<br />hunting areas, physical distance needed to travel, impacts of
<br />residential development, and areas landlocked by private lands.
<br />People also had limited time to hunt because of work and family
<br />schedules, making efficient physical access more critical. In
<br />Hawaii, feral pigs are increasingly seen along highways and in
<br />residential areas, possibly because of decreasing access to
<br />mountain areas (Vaughan 2018). Access conflicts with hunting
<br />are well documented in the literature. A study that surveyed big
<br />game hunters in the continental U.S. identified access to private
<br />and public land as one of the top constraints for people to
<br />continue hunting (Montgomery and Blalock 2010). Both
<br />landowners and state governments have increased their efforts to
<br />restrict access to private lands for hunting (Sigmon 2004). One
<br />reason for decreasing access to private lands is in response to
<br />poaching or trespassing by hunters (Wright and Kaiser 1986).
<br />Another study that surveyed elk hunters in Montana determined
<br />that access to hunting on private lands decreased because of
<br />increased commercialization of wildlife (e.g., hunting tours) and
<br />that most of the state hunting lands were inaccessible because
<br />they were landlocked by surrounding private lands (Eliason 2016).
<br />Other contributing factors to the lack of access to private lands
<br />include changing land ownership, increasing development, and
<br />changing public values and perceptions of hunting (Miller 2002).
<br />Beyond physical access to resources, access can also be defined as
<br />"the ability to benefit from things" (Ribot and Peluso 2003:155).
<br />Using this broader framework, Ribot and Peluso (2003) offer
<br />multiple mechanisms of access, which allow people to benefit
<br />from a natural resource including technology, authority, markets,
<br />labor, capital, knowledge, identities, and social relations. The
<br />mechanisms of access articulated by interviewees in this study
<br />offer a range of potential solutions for increasing access to hunt
<br />and manage invasive species.
<br />Following the guidance of Ribot and Peluso (2003) to extend our
<br />analysis beyond problems of physical access, we found that
<br />barriers to hunting in this case could include gaining access to
<br />technology, e.g., four-wheel drive vehicles to reach remote
<br />locations, GPS to map areas of high pig activity, and GPS collars
<br />to track locations of hunting dogs during hunts. Another access
<br />issue of concern is knowledge. This includes having the knowledge
<br />required for properly training hunting dogs to effectively track
<br />down feral pigs, and acquiring knowledge about specific
<br />characteristics of hunting areas like weather variables, seasons,
<br />food availability for feral pigs, and moon phases that shape access
<br />to the resource. Transmission of this Indigenous and local
<br />knowledge between hunters from a given area and across
<br />generations, is also a challenge as has been shown with ILK of
<br />fishers and other practitioner groups in Hawaii and beyond
<br />(Vaughan 2018, Winter et al. 2023).
<br />Further, we see access to authority being important to the co -
<br />management efforts considered in our study. Most issues of public
<br />hunting are embedded in law, suggesting the need to reevaluate
<br />laws concerning hunter access to wildlife in the U.S. (Eliason
<br />2016). Changes in law and policy require more hunters to be
<br />involved with DLNR, the legislature, and in decision -making
<br />positions. One example of increased access to authority
<br />implemented in the last few years is the Game Management
<br />Advisory Commission. In this recently created institution, elected
<br />members across the Hawaiian Islands serve in an advisory
<br />capacity to the Board of Land and Natural Resources, and help
<br />shape management decisions and actions related to public
<br />hunting.
<br />
|