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Ecology and Society 28(2): 32 <br />htt.psf.l� s /ar[32/ <br />expanding hunting areas simultaneously. One participant <br />recommended, "Make more check -in stations ... we [hunters] <br />usually have to park on the side of the road. Make one area where <br />we can park inside ... Get plenty spots that I feel get [have] plenty <br />pigs." Two participants brought up the idea of a lottery system <br />similar to that on the island of Lanai for Axis deer hunts, stating, <br />"It would be cool if they did open up another region on the island <br />or section on the island to hunt ... Every hunter could have their <br />number submitted and it's just a random pool. Whoever gets <br />pulled up (in the lottery), those groups of hunters can go hunt in <br />this section this week."Participants would like more official access <br />to the mountain because they already hunt many areas, so it would <br />help if those areas were legally approved by the state. <br />Similar to respect and finding common ground, changing <br />mindsets was also a recommendation among some participants <br />(n = 4), more specifically changing the mindsets of hunters. As <br />one participant stated, "The hunters have to get on board and the <br />hunters have to recognize [that] if we're going to save hunting, if <br />we're going to save fishing, we have to practice conservation and <br />we have to support it." Another recommendation was for hunters <br />to self -reflect, "[it is] a lot harder to ask yourself ... what part do <br />I have to play [to improve management]? That's just the first step <br />... The acceptance is often the first step of these processes." Less <br />common recommendations from the interviews included <br />volunteer programs, increased capacity within the hunting <br />community, and better communal coordination on an <br />interpersonal level (not allowing emotions to hinder ability to <br />work with others). Participants recommended expanding access <br />to hunting areas, along with education, enhanced respect and <br />communication between managers and hunters, more agency <br />engagement of hunters in decision making and hunters changing <br />their mindsets to become participants in conservation. <br />DISCUSSION <br />With this study we aimed to understand the social -cultural values <br />and practices of pig hunters and how those values and practices <br />can aid in improving co -management of feral pigs for hunting <br />and conservation. The majority of hunters interviewed for this <br />study identified as being Native Hawaiian. Participants primarily <br />hunted feral pigs as a food source, but also mentioned a range of <br />additional motivations for hunting that included peace of mind, <br />perpetuating family traditions and culture, maintaining physical <br />health and exercise. They also described responsibilities inherent <br />to hunting, as well as recommendations for improving pig <br />management. We will draw upon all of these results to describe <br />three emerging themes that may improve co -management of feral <br />pigs and other culturally important invasive species in Hawaii <br />and beyond: (1) expanding mechanisms of access to hunt or <br />gather invasive resources such as feral pigs, (2) integrating rights <br />and responsibilities to meet management objectives, and (3) <br />improving means of communication to enhance collaborative <br />arrangements. <br />Expanding mechanisms of access to increase hunting <br />opportunities for invasive species <br />Lack of access to hunting areas emerged as a key concern for <br />hunters in this study. Interview participants talked most directly <br />about physical access, discussing the number of entry points into <br />hunting areas, physical distance needed to travel, impacts of <br />residential development, and areas landlocked by private lands. <br />People also had limited time to hunt because of work and family <br />schedules, making efficient physical access more critical. In <br />Hawaii, feral pigs are increasingly seen along highways and in <br />residential areas, possibly because of decreasing access to <br />mountain areas (Vaughan 2018). Access conflicts with hunting <br />are well documented in the literature. A study that surveyed big <br />game hunters in the continental U.S. identified access to private <br />and public land as one of the top constraints for people to <br />continue hunting (Montgomery and Blalock 2010). Both <br />landowners and state governments have increased their efforts to <br />restrict access to private lands for hunting (Sigmon 2004). One <br />reason for decreasing access to private lands is in response to <br />poaching or trespassing by hunters (Wright and Kaiser 1986). <br />Another study that surveyed elk hunters in Montana determined <br />that access to hunting on private lands decreased because of <br />increased commercialization of wildlife (e.g., hunting tours) and <br />that most of the state hunting lands were inaccessible because <br />they were landlocked by surrounding private lands (Eliason 2016). <br />Other contributing factors to the lack of access to private lands <br />include changing land ownership, increasing development, and <br />changing public values and perceptions of hunting (Miller 2002). <br />Beyond physical access to resources, access can also be defined as <br />"the ability to benefit from things" (Ribot and Peluso 2003:155). <br />Using this broader framework, Ribot and Peluso (2003) offer <br />multiple mechanisms of access, which allow people to benefit <br />from a natural resource including technology, authority, markets, <br />labor, capital, knowledge, identities, and social relations. The <br />mechanisms of access articulated by interviewees in this study <br />offer a range of potential solutions for increasing access to hunt <br />and manage invasive species. <br />Following the guidance of Ribot and Peluso (2003) to extend our <br />analysis beyond problems of physical access, we found that <br />barriers to hunting in this case could include gaining access to <br />technology, e.g., four-wheel drive vehicles to reach remote <br />locations, GPS to map areas of high pig activity, and GPS collars <br />to track locations of hunting dogs during hunts. Another access <br />issue of concern is knowledge. This includes having the knowledge <br />required for properly training hunting dogs to effectively track <br />down feral pigs, and acquiring knowledge about specific <br />characteristics of hunting areas like weather variables, seasons, <br />food availability for feral pigs, and moon phases that shape access <br />to the resource. Transmission of this Indigenous and local <br />knowledge between hunters from a given area and across <br />generations, is also a challenge as has been shown with ILK of <br />fishers and other practitioner groups in Hawaii and beyond <br />(Vaughan 2018, Winter et al. 2023). <br />Further, we see access to authority being important to the co - <br />management efforts considered in our study. Most issues of public <br />hunting are embedded in law, suggesting the need to reevaluate <br />laws concerning hunter access to wildlife in the U.S. (Eliason <br />2016). Changes in law and policy require more hunters to be <br />involved with DLNR, the legislature, and in decision -making <br />positions. One example of increased access to authority <br />implemented in the last few years is the Game Management <br />Advisory Commission. In this recently created institution, elected <br />members across the Hawaiian Islands serve in an advisory <br />capacity to the Board of Land and Natural Resources, and help <br />shape management decisions and actions related to public <br />hunting. <br />