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Communication 19.2 from Dwight Vicente re Resident Population
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Communication 19.2 from Dwight Vicente re Resident Population
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140 THE 0113 NORTnwrST IN Tilt 01TRICAN RI'VOLIMnN <br /> even without slavery,as a means to these ends.At the Conven- <br /> tion,sanctions foT slavery(the three-fifths clause and the slave <br /> trade clause)seemed necessary to bring about the same results: <br /> protection against emancipation and a Southern majority in the <br /> llnuse. in each case the North made the compromises the <br /> South demanded, but in Congress, because of the South's <br /> mistaken assumptions about the future of the Northwest,an <br /> antislavery clause could be included.The fugitive slave clause <br /> adopted unanimously by both bodies shows,if not that there <br /> svgs a sectional compromise between Congress and Convention, <br /> at least that the makers of both Ordinance and Constitution <br /> svete ready to compromise the concept that all men are equal. <br /> ?'his was the fundamental compromise of 1787. <br /> Origins of the <br /> American Colonial System <br /> Jack F.Chien <br /> Fhr American coloninl mystem effectively began with the Northwest <br /> Ordinance of 1787.Sinre that time all colonial policies of the(miter <br /> States,including the recent efforts at commonwealth stahes for Mi,ron <br /> rsia,have been madiftcations of the anginal ideas. <br /> In this essay Jack F.Ehlers(1916--1(meet the nmlutiem of this <br /> famous document through the Continental Congress. Like Paoftssor <br /> Berkhofer,F.blm sea the Ordinance as the product of srt,ernl minds and <br /> the consequence of a serie.,s of developments in Congress, fie find, <br /> Nathan Dane of McLmarhusett,and fnmes Monroe of Virginia mogi- <br /> fyingtht Ordinance of I784inton workable colanin hpoliry.hlrraHidrr <br /> final product the'Jefferson-Monroe-i)nae rion.- <br /> Morem+er,Fbhn discards as unfounded the intrrpretntion that,os lie <br /> saps in a footnote, "conspiratorial lnnd spteulntnrs mere behind the <br /> orating of the Ordinance of 1787 and that the Ohio Company rrprruart- <br /> atives faired Congress to draft thrgovernmental articles the avny it did to <br /> senor as a more adjanrt to their land grnb."He does see the po<sihility <br /> that the Ohio and Scioto grants may have induced some New Fngland <br /> Congressmen to support the Ordinance hrrause these schemes offered a <br /> chance for eastern influents in an area supf>osedtp inrlined tnnvrrd the <br /> South. <br /> For Fbten the 1787 dnrument is not n step backward fime the <br /> demo rot r principles of the 1784 ordinance,but rather n constnfrtivr <br /> solution to the ambigilrnrs and inadnpiatr earlxrr plara.Of ptntirulm <br /> impor(arrre was bane',,insiornce on the inclusion of a list at rit+il <br /> liberties and Monror'c prapmnls fora limited number n(pntrnliat state+ <br /> and a precise number of inhabitants required fm admission. Fhr <br /> Imilcidenre of these developments,combined with congressiana - <br /> l usmt <br /> ence on the sloe rp prohibition, suggest, in Fhlen the pa,4hility of <br /> "logrolling."Nomherr does Fhtrn see any indication of a roncpnarp <br /> betawen Congress in Non+Fork and the delegation ar the Cnnveatimr ire <br /> Philadelphia that Lynd dtsr"bes in the pre'hnu essay. <br /> pro/punr Ehlrn's rareer has involved history teorhnr,g acsi,gnwerrt,nt <br /> 441 <br />
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