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<br /> respect meaning that they can smoke as hard as a man and maintain a dignity of conversation and <br /> <br /> behavior. They can smoke ganja and reason with men, have debates about serious topics like politics <br /> <br /> and religion. They are considered to be principled women who are astute and trustworthy. <br /> Another characteristic of these women is they tend to be economically independent and resourceful. <br /> fhe y don't expect that men will have the sole burden of supporting households. Many of these <br /> <br /> women are working for themselves, and a significant number of them are involved in ganja sales, <br /> along with work such as farming and other commercial enterprises. They build their own houses and <br /> become less dependent on men, or on one man, for their livelihood. <br /> Part of this change came from Rastafarianism, because Rasta women do smoke ganja chronically as <br /> par[ of their religious rituals. Older women have built up their roles as ganja administrators, while <br /> older men may have to decrease their ganja use once their days in the fields are over. The society is <br /> changing experience with ganja is changing, and women smokers are becoming more visible then <br /> before. <br /> Give us a general overview of the studies you've done on ganja use during pregnancy <br /> When [noticed that increasing numbers of women were smoking marijuana, I decided to study <br /> prenatal marijuana exposure and its effects on children. Most of the studies done in North America <br /> had serious confounds and results which just did not hold up under scrutiny. <br /> We did ethnographic studies which examined the lifestyles of mothers who used ganja and mothers <br /> who didn't use ganja, and compared behavioral characteristics of neonates from both groups in the <br /> first month of life. We later went back and looked at the children with afive-year follow-up study. <br /> How did your studies differ from other studies? <br /> Up to that point, most studies which examined marijuana use during pregnancy were flawed by <br /> serious methodological problems. They couldn't control for so many variables, and the negative <br /> effects they blamed on marijuana could well have been caused by other things. <br /> My studies are among the few which actually measured how much ganja a woman has consumed. I <br /> wasn't sitting in a clinic somewhere divorced from women's lives asking them how much marijuana <br /> they'd used - my research team is in a community and in the Feld where we can observe these women <br /> and check out their reports. We know how much ganja, and what type and potency, they are <br /> consuming. We had ways of verifying the amount of ganja they consume; neighbors would come and <br /> tell us what was going on, so we could compare that to _ <br /> what we had been told by the mother <br /> We had a setting in which we knew that the women were <br /> only exposed to marijuana. In most North American <br /> studies the women were using all kinds of drugs like <br /> alcohol, tobacco, speed and cocaine during prenatal <br /> studies, and there was no way for the researchers to know <br /> what or how much. We knew what our test subjects were <br /> doing and this gave extra credibility to our work. <br /> A lot of media publicity had been given to US studies which purported to show that marijuana caused <br /> birth defects or serious developmental problems, but most of this research involved participants who <br /> were multi-drug users who had a terrible social support network that probably caused the problems. <br /> Instead, these problems were blamed on marijuana. <br /> 4 <br /> <br />