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overall range of either zero or one person. That is likely to be the standard for most plans in the <br /> future. <br /> If you can't draw congressional districts that are mathematically equal in population, <br /> don't assume that others can't. Assume that you risk having your plan challenged in court and <br /> replaced by another with a lower overall range. <br /> 2. Unless Necessary to Achieve "Some Legitimate State Objective" <br /> Even if a challenger is able to draw a congressional plan with a lower overall range than <br /> yours, you may still be able to save your plan if you can show that each significant deviation <br /> from the ideal was necessary to achieve "some legitimate state objective." Karcher v. Daggett, <br /> 462 U.S. 725, 740 (1983). As Justice Brennan, writing for the 5 -4 majority in Karcher v. <br /> Daggett, said: <br /> Any number of consistently applied legislative policies might justify some <br /> variance, including, for instance, making districts compact, respecting municipal <br /> boundaries, preserving the cores of prior districts, and avoiding contests between <br /> incumbent Representatives ... . The State must, however, show with some <br /> specificity that a particular objective required the specific deviations in its plan, <br /> rather than simply relying on general assertions . . . . By necessity, whether <br /> deviations are justified requires case -by -case attention to these factors. <br /> 462 U.S. at 740 -41. <br /> So, if you intend to rely on these "legitimate state objectives" to justify any degree of <br /> population inequality in a congressional plan, you would be well advised to articulate those <br /> objectives in advance, follow them consistently, and be prepared to show that you could not have <br /> achieved those objectives in each district with districts that had a smaller deviation from the <br /> ideal. Arkansas, Turner v. Arkansas, 784 F. Supp. 553 (E.D. Ark. 1991); Maryland, Anne <br /> Arundel County Republican Cent. Committee v. State Administrative Bd. of Election Laws, 781 <br /> F. Supp. 394 (D. Md. 1991); and West Virginia, Stone v. Hechler, 782 F. Supp. 1116 (W.D. <br /> W.Va. 1992); all were able to meet that burden when congressional plans drawn by the <br /> legislature were challenged in court in the 1990s. <br /> Near the end of the decade, the Supreme Court upheld a court-drawn congressional plan <br /> in Georgia with an overall range of 0.35 percent (about 2,000 people). Abrams v. Johnson, 117 S. <br /> Ct. 1925 (1997). But that was the lowest range of all the plans that met constitutional <br /> requirements, Georgia was able to show it had a consistent historical practice of not splitting <br /> counties outside the Atlanta area, and likely shifts in population since 1990 had made any further <br /> effort to achieve population equality illusory. <br /> D. Legislative Plans <br /> 1. An Overall Range of Less than Ten Percent <br /> Fortunately for those of you who will be drawing redistricting plans after the 2000 <br /> census, the Supreme Court has adopted a less exacting standard for legislative plans. It is not <br /> based on the Apportionment Clause of Article I, Section 2, which governs congressional plans. <br /> Rather, it is based on the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment. <br /> As Chief Justice Earl Warren observed in the 1964 case of Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. <br /> 533, "mathematical nicety is not a constitutional requisite" when drawing legislative plans. All <br />