Laserfiche WebLink
<br /> <br />challenge to us? I don’t know, but it is a problem and you’ve seen the blocks of census <br />tracts and counties and you’ve heard about, today, some of the issues with those blocks. <br />Which again, it sounds like we’re kind of stuck with, and I do recall, ‘cause I did look at <br />some of the information from the previous Commission’s activities in 2011. I do recall <br />this issue of the blocks being raised at that time. And I believe that there was some <br />correspondence generated, I will check again and see what I can find and bring that <br />forward if it’s not already online, but that’s not a new problem. Yet, I don’t think it’s one <br />that you’re able to resolve. Unless there’s something that can be done that, I’m not aware <br />of. <br /> <br />But, again, we have the deviation issue that was talked about. Most courts have used what <br />statisticians call, the overall range, if you’re familiar with that, to measure the population <br />equality of a redistricting plan. And that maximum deviation, or overall deviation, and <br />our County Code states that that shall be less than 10 percent. And then, the maximum <br />council district deviation, our County Code says that shall not exceed plus or minus, 5.99 <br />percent of an ideal council district’s population. So, remember that the ideal district’s <br />population would be just dividing that number equally across all 9 districts. So, it’s a 5.99 <br />percent is our maximum per district. <br /> <br />Federal courts have used two different standards for judging redistricting plans. For <br />Congressional plans, it’s strict equality. Their exception is to achieve some legitimate <br />state objective. Examples are making districts compact, we’re respecting municipal <br />boundaries, preserving cores of prior districts, avoiding contests between incumbent <br />representatives. So, on a case-by-case basis, there is a possibility of exceptions, but <br />bottom line is you need to have a legitimate reason for it. Legislative plans based on the <br />th <br />equal protection clause of the 14 Amendment—a substantial equality of population <br />among various districts, which is generally less than 10 percent, unless there is a proof of <br />some kind of intentional discrimination. The exception would be some rational State <br />policy and so far, the only successful rational State policy has been respecting the <br />boundaries of political subdivisions. <br /> <br />Non-discrimination, this is probably more of an issue on the mainland than here but need <br />to make sure we are not discriminating against racial or linguistic minorities. <br />Redistricting plans have been opposed on the basis that they’ve discriminated against <br />specific ethnic groups and have bridged their right to vote by diluting the strength of their <br />population. The test is whether your plan will have the effect of diluting minority voting <br />strength and not whether it was inactive with an intent to discriminate. <br /> <br />With the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, you may consider race in <br />drawing districts, you should avoid drawing a racial gerrymander, particularly important <br />is to be aware of bizarre shapes of your districts. Reapportionment, this is a quote from <br />Justice O’Connor, “Reapportionment is one area in which appearances do matter.” So, <br />you want to draw districts that are reasonably compact, and compactness is not just a <br />geometrical concept, but it is also political concept. <br /> <br /> 28 <br /> <br />