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Ecology and Society 28(2): 32
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<br />impacts of feral pigs across habitats and over time, as well as
<br />articulate Indigenous relationships with feral pigs (Robinson and
<br />Wallington 2012). In Sweden, innovative co -management
<br />programs for moose helped transition hunters and landowners to
<br />a role of ecosystem stewards, which increased hunter
<br />participation in management efforts (Lindgvist et al. 2014).
<br />Despite these successful outcomes, both studies documented
<br />challenges with establishing co -management arrangements, such
<br />as gaining government support for local -level management
<br />initiatives, ensuring Indigenous knowledge is integrated equitably
<br />into co -management arrangements, and maintaining adequate
<br />funding to support local monitoring efforts. To improve
<br />management outcomes for culturally valued invasive species,
<br />hunters and managers must understand the challenges of past co -
<br />management arrangements, particularly when culturally
<br />important invasive species are perceived differently by various
<br />community members.
<br />Feral pigs (Sus scrofa) are a common game species. Originally
<br />native to Eurasia, feral pigs inhabit many islands throughout
<br />Oceania, as well as every major continent except Antarctica
<br />(Barrios Garcia and Ballari 2012). Many government agencies
<br />around the world classify feral pigs as invasive species that pose
<br />major threats to the natural and agricultural environment,
<br />economy, and human health (Barrios -Garcia and Ballari 2012,
<br />Wehr et al. 2018, Risch et al. 2020, 2021). Feral pigs cause
<br />extensive environmental damage to island ecosystems because of
<br />trampling and uprooting of native plants, spreading invasive plant
<br />propagules through consumption, foraging on native birds and
<br />eggs, and altering soil fertility and nutrient cycling through
<br />rooting behavior (Diong 1982, Stone 1985, Browning et al. 2008).
<br />To enable many other species and ecosystem services valued by
<br />Indigenous people to persist, reducing the abundance of feral pig
<br />populations in sensitive ecosystems is extremely important.
<br />Indigenous Pacific Islanders traditionally placed substantial
<br />cultural value on pigs as food, as well as symbols of social,
<br />economic, and political power, while managing them in a way that
<br />minimized impacts to native ecosystems (Dening 1980, Schieffelin
<br />and Crittenden 1991, Kirch 2014, Luat-Hu`eu et al. 2021). Pigs
<br />have been a longstanding component of Hawai`i's social -
<br />ecological systems (Winter et al. 2018), following the arrival of
<br />Polynesians between 1000 and 1200 AD (Pearson et al. 1971,
<br />Kirch 2011), and were primarily domesticated and managed
<br />through husbandry practices, where Hawaiian families tended
<br />pigs in enclosures near their homesteads (Luat-Hu`eu et al. 2021).
<br />Pig hunting was not practiced in Hawaii until the 1850s, driven
<br />by the introduction of novel tools and land use practices, change
<br />in governance and land tenure, and changes in resource
<br />abundance (Luat-Hu`eu et al. 2021). Foreigners brought with
<br />them different breeds of pigs that interbred with Hawaiian pigs,
<br />increasing their size and reproductive output. Further, as the
<br />Hawaiian land tenure system diminished following the diversion
<br />of water for plantation agriculture, loss of 90% of Hawaiian
<br />people from introduced diseases, and changes in land
<br />management practices, pigs became feral across the landscape.
<br />Today, most pig populations in Hawaii are identified as feral,
<br />meaning that they originated from domestic stock, but have
<br />reverted from domesticity to become free-living, no longer
<br />depending on husbandry for sustenance or breeding (Pullar 1950,
<br />Kruska and Rohrs 1974). As a result, today feral pigs threaten
<br />Hawai`i's ecosystems, yet are also highly valued as a culturally
<br />important food source among Hawaiians and local communities
<br />(Lohr et al. 2014).
<br />The State of Hawaii Department of Land and Natural Resources
<br />(DLNR) is the main agency managing feral pigs on land owned
<br />by the state. The Division of Forestry and Wildlife (DOFAW)
<br />under DLNR is mandated to manage feral pigs as both a game
<br />species for public hunting and as an invasive species that threatens
<br />ecosystems and biodiversity. All nonnative bird and mammal
<br />game species in the Hawaiian Islands were intentionally
<br />introduced for food and hunting purposes (Duffy and Lepczyk
<br />2021). Game hunters wishing to hunt on state-owned lands and
<br />private lands (with permission) in Hawaii are required to obtain
<br />a hunting license from DLNR, which is achieved by passing a
<br />hunter safety education course. Hunting on private lands without
<br />permission and/or a hunting license is designated as hunting and
<br />is subject to legal prosecution by the landowner. The Division of
<br />Conservation and Resource Enforcement (DOCARE) is the
<br />subsidiary agency mandated to enforce game hunting regulations
<br />set by the state.
<br />DLNR is legally mandated to protect and conserve natural and
<br />cultural resources in the Hawaiian Islands while simultaneously
<br />providing public hunting opportunities to local residents and U.
<br />S citizens for recreation (Ikagawa 2013). However, natural
<br />resource management planning regarding feral pigs has often
<br />failed to fully integrate the social -cultural values and practices of
<br />Hawaiians and local communities associated with feral pigs,
<br />leading to conflicts between pig hunters and agency resource
<br />managers (Adler 1995, Lohr et al. 2014). For example, in the 1990s
<br />when resource managers installed pig exclusion fences in a natural
<br />area reserve with minimal community input, hunters cut the
<br />fences to allow feral pigs into the reserve area (Burdick 2006,
<br />Warner and Kinslow 2013).
<br />The majority of research relating to feral pigs in the Hawaiian
<br />Islands has focused on the ecological component, with little
<br />attention to the social and cultural values associated with feral
<br />pigs and other game mammals. Qualitative research methods such
<br />as interviews are extremely valuable for exploring the views,
<br />beliefs, and motivations of individuals on a specific matter, in this
<br />case the hunting of feral pigs (Gill et al. 2008). However, few
<br />studies have used oral interviews to directly solicit local pig hunter
<br />perspectives. By conducting interviews with local pig hunters we
<br />aimed to answer two main research questions: (1) what are social -
<br />cultural values and practices of local pig hunters on Oahu and
<br />Maui; and (2) how can knowing hunter values and practices aid
<br />to improve policies and collaboration for feral pig management?
<br />Understanding the values and practices of local pig hunters may
<br />reduce conflicts and help establish effective co -management
<br />practices that respect diverse values of community members.
<br />METHODS
<br />Study site
<br />Interviews took place with hunters who resided on the islands of
<br />Oahu and Maui. Game mammals on the island of Oahu include
<br />feral pigs and feral goats, while the island of Maui has feral pigs,
<br />feral goats, and Axis deer (Axis axis). DOFAW provides public
<br />hunting opportunities through "public hunting areas"
<br />characterized as (1) game management areas; (2) forest reserves
<br />
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