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If you have been denying certain groups of <br /> people access to the political system, that would be one test <br /> of discrimination. <br /> No matter what, next one, at-large plans cannot <br /> be used to minimize voting strength of any person , group, or <br /> whatever. You cannot use at-large plans for that purpose. <br /> The courts seem to favor, and there are <br /> exceptions, they seem to favor districts. Where the population; , <br /> can somehow--the districts can somehow be drawn to fairly equal <br /> proportions. So long as you are not doing it for the purpose <br /> of satisfying or favoring special interest groups. Or denying, <br /> in other words, groups of people their rights to political-- <br /> participating in the political process. <br /> Such other matters as the responsiveness of <br /> the representatives to the needs of the group; whether there <br /> is a state policy behind at-large districting; whether there <br /> has been past practice of inequality or discrimination ; the <br /> size of the district;, how many candidates an elector must vote <br /> for if positions are not contested for individually. That also <br /> is a consideration. To give you one or two examples that <br /> closely tie to Hawaii County. In Virginia Beach, Virginia back <br /> in 1967, the United States Supreme Court dealt with a case <br /> there involving eleven councilmen who were elected at-large. _ _ _ <br /> Seven of the eleven were required to reside in seven boroughs. <br /> which is equivalent to our district. You know, of course;- <br /> there was a challenge that these at-large voting schemes were <br /> discriminatory. The supreme court, in that particular case, <br /> upheld the, what they called the seven-four plan, because <br /> under the particular plan there was no attempt being made to <br /> discriminate against the negroes , the people who resided in <br /> the rural areas of the community of the eleven specific boroughs. <br /> The boroughs were used merely as a basis of residence for <br /> candidates. Not for voting or representation , necessarily. <br /> There were quite a few rural candidates. Virginia Beach, <br /> itself, was a tourist oriented borough. Just to give you an <br /> idea, the smallest district that had one candidate, one <br /> candidate running representing that particular borough, had <br /> only 733 residents in population. They had one councilman of <br /> the eleven. The largest borough had 29 , 000. They also had <br /> one councilman. You talk about equality of representation <br /> in terms of the one man, one vote rule. You divide in one <br /> situation 733 votes equal one councilman. The other one <br /> man, <br /> , <br /> 29, 000 , you can see, mathematically, a <br /> it cannot be one <br /> one vote. What the courts have looked at is the total picture. <br /> Not just mathematically does it come out to one man, one vote. <br /> The total picture is more important than any specific--like <br /> I say, the total forest is more important than whether one tree in <br /> the forest is termite eaten or not. <br /> In Mobile, Alabama in 1978, which is the most <br /> recent case ,that I could find, the United States Court of <br /> Appeals for the 5th Circuit held that at-large voting plan <br /> in Mobile, Alabama was illegal. They had three commissioners <br /> - 30 - <br />